AINRC-BJP didn't win election on policy or performance: V Narayanasamy

As Puducherry gears up for the 2026 Assembly polls, statehood, Centre-Union Territory tensions and shifting alliance equations are back at the forefront. Congress leader and former Puducherry Chief Minister V Narayanasamy positions the Congress-DMK alliance as the right alternative to the AINRC-BJP government led by N Rangaswamy.

In this exclusive interview with The Federal, Narayanasamy reflects on his 2021 absence from the electoral fray, his clashes with former Puducherry Lieutenant Governor Kiran Bedi, the UT's long-pending statehood demand, alliance dynamics with the DMK, and the emergence of actor-turned-politician Vijay.

Edited excerpts:

You did not contest the election in 2021. Your former constituency Nellithope was also offered to the DMK then. Will you be contesting this time?

No. In 2021, I had a knee surgery. Movement was a problem, and I sought permission from then Congress president Sonia Gandhi, stating that I would not be able to contest the election. She granted permission, and thereafter I managed the election in 2021.

Contesting the election is not my prerogative, but I am preparing for it; it is for the leadership to decide whether I have to contest or not. I will abide by the decision of the high command.

How do you assess Rangaswamy's performance? What has changed and what hasn't changed since his tenure?

Rangaswamy, as Chief Minister during the Congress regime, was a different person. He was concerned for the people — the poor and the downtrodden, Scheduled Castes and all sections of society.

The Government of India was supporting him at that time, as the Congress government was in power at the Centre. Therefore, he was able to implement all the schemes. In fact, as an and Union Minister, I supported him from Delhi. Therefore, there was smooth running of the government.

Also read: INDIA bloc in turmoil: DMK-Congress rift widens over leadership row in Puducherry

Then, when Rangaswamy broke away from the Congress, and from 2011 to 2016, when he was the Chief Minister, he made a lot of promises to the people. Statehood was the main focus of his government. To get statehood for Puducherry, he promised the people that he would join hands with the BJP. But nothing has happened so far.

If people decide that Vijay is another MG Ramachandran, who am I to question it?

Secondly, he promised the inclusion of Puducherry in the Central Finance Commission. That was not done. Then there was the waiver of the legacy loan — loans borrowed by the Puducherry government from the Government of India — and an additional grant for the state. These were the four major promises he made, apart from other local promises. But none of the four was implemented during his five-year tenure as Chief Minister.

Then in 2016, our government came to power. The Congress contested 19 seats and won 15. The DMK contested 11 seats and won two. We formed the government in Puducherry.

During that regime, Narendra Modi was the Prime Minister. Amit Shah became the Home Minister, and Kiran Bedi was the Lieutenant Governor (LG) here.

As an LG, she was not allowing the government to function. In a democratic and federal system, the will of the people has to prevail. There are set principles in the Constitution. Whether it is a state or a Union Territory, the powers of the elected government have been clearly described.

First, the elected government has to run the administration. The Governor has no executive role and is expected to act as a constitutional authority.

As far as Tamil Nadu or other states are concerned, whenever there is a difference of opinion on a Cabinet decision, the file is sent back to the Governor for reconsideration. When the government reiterates its decision, the Governor has no option but to approve it.

In the case of Union Territories like Puducherry or Delhi, where there is a legislature, if the LG disagrees with the Cabinet’s decision, the file is sent to the Union Home Ministry. This is the only difference between a state and a Union Territory.

Instead of blaming me, Rangaswamy should explain why, despite being in office and aligned with the Centre, he has not fulfilled his own promise.

However, keeping that provision in mind, all files were being sent to the Home Ministry, where they remained pending. Projects and schemes were unnecessarily delayed, and the blame fell on our government.

We resisted this. As Chief Minister, I sat on a dharna for seven days in front of the Governor’s office. We agitated against her actions. After that, we were able to run the government effectively.

In education, health and the service sector, our government fared very well during that period. As far as governance is concerned, ours was a corruption-free government, with the maintenance of law and order and protection of life and property. People were living a peaceful life. That was the situation during our tenure.

Your tenure as Chief Minister was quite contentious with the LGs, Kiran Bedi and Tamilisai Soundararajan. Typical of a federal flashpoint. Rangasamy's tenure was a smooth sail, and that could be assumed because of the alliance with the BJP in Puducherry. Critics argue the elected government has been largely sidelined, with the LG acting on Delhi's wishes. But interestingly, Rangaswamy has made statehood a central campaign theme. Did you push hard enough for this during your tenure? You think that's a missed opportunity?

Whenever there was a Chief Ministers’ Conference, I raised the demand in the presence of the Prime Minister, because the people of Puducherry deserve statehood. I also raised it in meetings with the Finance Minister, Nirmala Sitharaman.

I did not stop with that. I engaged the Madras School of Economics (MSE) to study the situation and examine the economic feasibility of granting statehood. They submitted a report stating that it was possible.

Initially, that report was not accepted, despite the MSE being a reputed institution. Subsequently, a team from the Finance Ministry and the Home Ministry was sent. They came, conducted a study, and agreed with the findings of the Madras School of Economics that Puducherry deserves statehood.

Statehood is feasible now. The financial capability of the Union Territory has improved compared to the earlier period.

However, unfortunately, for political reasons — as there was a Congress government in Puducherry at that time — the proposal did not move forward. Home Minister Amit Shah did not approve it.

In the 2021 Assembly election, their promise was Special Category Status for Puducherry. Rangaswamy’s stand was for statehood. If Special Category Status were granted, we would be very happy because it would ensure a 90 per cent grant. This was part of the manifesto of the BJP.

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However, none of these was implemented. I was continuously pursuing the matter and pressing for action. Rangaswamy, on the other hand, has been aligned with the BJP government at the Centre but has not been able to deliver on the promise of statehood.

But your opponents say you did not push for statehood when you were a Union minister. BJP leader Namassivayam says Narayanasamy has no right to project himself as the champion of the cause...

But Namassivayam was the president of the Congress party for five years and a senior Minister in my Cabinet. If he truly felt that I had done nothing, he was present at several of my meetings with the Prime Minister and with Nirmala Sitharaman, when we demanded statehood. He was there as second-in-command.

Originally, our demand was Special Category Status, not statehood, because our financial position was very weak at that time. The difference is clear: with statehood, we would receive a 41 per cent grant, whereas with Special Category Status, we would receive a 90 per cent grant. Therefore, at that time, we preferred Special Category Status.

When the situation changed, and the Centre was not willing to grant Special Category Status, we pressed for statehood. As Chief Minister, I passed two resolutions — in the Cabinet and in the Assembly — both unanimously supported, including by the BJP and the NR Congress. Even then, nothing happened.

In the last five years, Rangaswamy’s promise has been statehood. He has repeatedly spoken about it, but he has not been able to achieve it. Instead of blaming me, he should explain why, despite being in office and aligned with the Centre, he has not fulfilled his own promise.

Looking at 2026, both the Congress-DMK and AINRC-BJP are promising statehood. But both alliances have failed to deliver — you couldn't do it when the Congress was at the Centre, Rangasamy hasn't done it with the BJP now. The Assembly has passed 15 resolutions over nearly four decades. This now seems more of a betrayal of voters rather than a legitimate campaign promise. Is statehood actually achievable given Puducherry's geography and finances, or is it an impossible dream?

When our delegation met then Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao in the 1990s, he agreed in principle and intended to place the matter before the Cabinet. At that time, I was an MP and part of the delegation. Rangaswamy was also present. The Prime Minister was prepared to move forward, but before the proposal could be taken up, the government fell and Atal Bihari Vajpayee came to power. As a result, the process could not proceed further.

Also read: Puducherry CM Rangasamy says shops, establishments must display names in Tamil

During the tenure of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, I was in the Union Cabinet and Rangaswamy was Chief Minister. We met Manmohan Singh and represented the case. He suggested that we consider Special Category Status. We agreed to that approach. However, the then Home Minister P Chidambaram had reservations, stating that Puducherry did not then have the financial and administrative capacity required for full statehood. Because of these differing views, the matter was delayed. There were various reasons at different times.

However, it is not fair to blame us now. When you are in power and when Nirmala Sitharaman promised Special Category Status in the manifesto of the BJP, and when you are in power today, why not implement it? Instead of blaming the past, deliver on your own promise.

As for the question of feasibility, the report of the MSE is very clear. Puducherry’s government revenue now exceeds Rs 9,000 crore. If statehood is granted, we would receive approximately Rs 7,000 crore from the government. That would be sufficient to meet the needs of the population in terms of administration, finances and services.

Therefore, statehood is feasible now. The financial capability of the Union Territory has improved compared to the earlier period.

The BJP went from being a minor player to winning six seats last time. Hopes are higher this time as well. In recent times, the BJP has not lost an election where it's already in power. What does this mean for Puducherry?

In 2016, the BJP contested 18 seats and lost all of them. The Congress contested 19 seats and won 15.

I did not contest the 2016 Assembly election initially, but in the subsequent by-election I contested and secured nearly 70 per cent of the votes.

In the 2019 Parliamentary election, our party candidate from the Congress won the seat by a margin of over two lakh votes against the All India NR Congress candidate. Our alliance partner, the DMK, also won a by-election by a margin of more than 3,000 votes. In another by-election held in 2019 in the Kamaraj Nagar Assembly constituency, we secured nearly 70 per cent of the votes. We had been winning elections consecutively.

In 2021, however, the BJP used what is popularly referred to as a “washing machine” approach. They allegedly threatened legislators, with Income Tax cases. Namassivayam, who was the second minister in my government, was reportedly threatened with action by the Enforcement Directorate in connection with a disproportionate assets case.

Subsequently, two or three MLAs resigned, and there were allegations that legislators were induced to switch sides. As a result, with just 14 days left for the completion of our five-year term, my government was brought down.

They did not win the election on policy or performance. Five years have now passed, and even 10 per cent of the promises made in the manifesto of the BJP or the NR Congress have not been fulfilled.

Also read: Vijay hits out at DMK, Centre; says TN must learn from ‘impartial’ Puducherry govt

Today, unemployment is rising. Some serious concerns are being raised about law and order, including crimes against women, allegations of land grabbing, and corruption in various departments.

We have also alleged a major scam involving fake medicines worth nearly Rs 10,000 crore, reportedly manufactured in Puducherry and distributed to several states over the past four years without proper licences — including factory, drug, environmental, industrial, municipal and GST registrations. We have stated that influential political figures were involved, and that photographs have been made public regarding meetings in Delhi, including one with Nirmala Sitharaman concerning a bank loan.

There are also allegations of corruption in departments such as Education and Registration, where it is claimed that services are not delivered without payment. According to us, corruption has become widespread and people are living in fear.

This, we say, is the present situation.

You also have some fresh entrants – Vijay's TVK and business tycoon Jose Charles Martin's party? What do you make of them?

Vijay is untested so far. His party has not contested any election. We have to wait and watch.

Also read: Lessons from Karur tragedy: Vijay adopts low-key approach at Puducherry public meeting

Joe Charles Martin came to Puducherry about six or seven months ago. He has been visiting certain areas and carrying out charitable activities there. Ultimately, let the people decide.

Vijay is also touted to be the next MGR. Your thoughts on that?

Ultimately, whatever the people decide is final. The people’s mandate is paramount; the opinion of a single individual does not matter. If people decide that he is another MG Ramachandran, who am I to question it?

You have been a Congressman for years and you know the nitty-gritty of it. What's your opinion when it comes to having a tie-up with the TVK? That's been the talk. With a particular faction wanting to have one and the senior leaders wanting to go with the DMK.

I will tell you one thing. Among our party rank and file and workers, there are differences of opinion. Some hold one view and others hold another. Ultimately, what will prevail is the decision of the leadership. Once the leadership makes a decision, everyone will abide by it. Why should we speculate on it now?

As for my suggestion, I cannot say more. We were called for discussions — myself, my party president and about 13 important leaders including Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, and the Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi. We conveyed our views to them, and they assured us that they would take care of the matter.

You think a potential Congress, TVK alliance would be no less than a tsunami for Puducherry?

Whatever the people decide will be the mandate, and we must abide by it. If the people decide that Vijay should take over, that is for the people to decide.

Also read: Pondy Assembly erupts over three-language policy; opposition walks out

Regarding his rally in Puducherry, I was not surprised by the crowd. However, there was a certain contradiction in his speech. On one hand, he criticised the BJP, which is part of the coalition government in Puducherry. On the other hand, he said that Rangaswamy is a good person.

If one alleges corruption in a coalition government, then is the Chief Minister not part of that government? If the government is corrupt, how can one partner be criticised while the other is praised? Looks like he has not fully assessed the situation.

There is also speculation that all is not well with the Congress-DMK alliance. The seat-sharing talks have stalled after DMK's call for more seats. The Congress has said, 'this is not done.' Do you see this as a pressure tactic from the DMK so that the Congress falls in line in Tamil Nadu?

No, it is not like that. For them, Puducherry may be small, but Tamil Nadu is a big state. As far as we are concerned, we know how to resolve our issues with the DMK. We have been working together for a long time.

In my view, this is a time-tested alliance with the DMK, and we know how to handle any differences that may arise.

Will the DMK contest more seats this election?

We have to sit and discuss. As I said very clearly, it is not merely a question of numbers; it is a question of which party is more likely to win in which constituency. That is more important.

Electoral politics cannot be judged on one election alone. Until 2016, the Congress had secured a significantly higher vote share, while the DMK had a lower share. Can we then undermine the DMK? Certainly not.

In the 2024 Parliamentary election, our candidate won by a narrow margin of 147 votes against the sitting Home Minister of the state. Out of 30 Assembly segments, the Congress secured the lead in 28. Does that mean the Congress is weak?

Similarly, in 2019, when I was Chief Minister, our candidate won the Parliamentary election by a margin of more than two lakh votes. At another time, the DMK had won only two seats. Does that make the DMK weak? No.

In 2021, the BJP used what is popularly referred to as a “washing machine” approach. They allegedly threatened legislators, with Income Tax cases.

In one election, a party may face a setback; in another, it may gain. That is the nature of politics. The DMK knows where it stands, and we know where we stand. They understand which constituencies they are strong in, and we know where our party is strong. A fair deal should be based on winning ability, not merely on arithmetic.

Does a fair deal also include partners having a meaningful role in the administration if the coalition wins?

That has to be decided by the leadership. Whatever decision they take in Tamil Nadu regarding seat-sharing or alliance arrangements will be followed here in Puducherry as well.

MK Stalin has made it clear that there will be no sharing of governance.

Stalin has expressed his view. Our party leaders will sit together, hold discussions, and arrive at a consensus. Whatever final decision emerges from those deliberations will be accepted by all concerned.

But if I were to ask you bluntly, is there a bit of uneasiness within the Congress over DMK pushing S Jagathrakshakan, who has chief ministerial ambitions?

No, who said that? Jagathrakshakan is a good friend of mine. I have known him for the last 20–25 years. It is not a question of who says what or who comes forward. Ultimately, who has to accept? The people of the state have to accept.

A single individual cannot decide such matters. It is the people’s mandate that is final.

How confident are you about Congress reclaiming power? What do you think is needed to win back voters who defected to the NDA?

When we undertook a 13-day padayatra, I personally witnessed the mood of the people. As we met them and interacted with women, children, youth, students, government servants and farmers, we found them happy with our alliance. They received us warmly and with a smile. That itself is an indication that the people are with us.

Therefore, I am confident that in 2026, INDIA bloc, under the leadership of the Congress, will form the government here in Puducherry.