AIADMK fights to stay relevant as DMK pushes BJP 'bogeyman' narrative

With the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections just weeks away, the campaign has taken an interesting turn. What was traditionally a battle centred on state-specific issues like NEET exemption, prohibition, law and order, and welfare schemes, has morphed into a fierce ideological clash over the BJP's growing footprint in the Dravidian heartland.

Chief Minister MK Stalin and the DMK are aggressively framing the contest as a direct fight between Tamil pride and "BJP imposition", while AIADMK general secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) is countering it with sharp personal attacks on Stalin and his son, Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin, apparently to deflect the alliance narrative. The latest flashpoint underscores the shift.

Stalin slams Fadnavis

On Tuesday (April 7), Stalin took to X (formerly Twitter) to slam Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis for accompanying BJP candidate Rama Srinivasan during nomination filing in the Madurai South constituency. Fadnavis is said to have promised that a BJP victory would fast-track the stalled Madurai Metro project. Stalin called it "blackmail" and questioned how a chief minister from another state could make such conditional offers, while highlighting the Dravidian Model's double-digit economic growth despite alleged central fund neglect.

Also read: Vijay disrupts, Annamalai waits, and Udhay inherits | TN's Young Turks

DMK leader Dayanidhi Maran accused Fadnavis of "cheapening himself" by tying metro projects in Madurai and Coimbatore to BJP wins. The former Union minister criticised the Centre's alleged refusal to fund the projects even when the state offered to bear 60 per cent of the cost. Maran also lashed out at the CBSE's three-language formula as an attempt to "force Hindi" on Tamil Nadu.

PM Modi's visit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent visit to the state and high-profile BJP leaders' campaigning have amplified the DMK's strategy. Stalin has repeatedly branded the AIADMK's alliance with the BJP as a "surrender" for the Dravidian party, and labelled EPS "BJP's slave". Udhayanidhi repeated this line in Tiruvannamalai while invoking Dravidian self-respect.

Tamil Nadu's politics has long been defined by Dravidian exceptionalism, a staunch resistance to perceived North Indian or Hindi-dominated central interference. Both DMK and AIADMK trace their roots to the Dravidian movement, which historically kept the Hindu right wing at bay. Assembly elections typically revolve around local governance: freebies, corruption allegations, caste dynamics, and anti-incumbency.

In 2021, the DMK returned to power on promises like NEET abolition and prohibition, defeating the EPS-led AIADMK. The BJP, which had allied with AIADMK in the past, maintained a low profile but steadily built cadre under then state president K Annamalai. For 2026, the AIADMK has formalised an alliance with the BJP and PMK, positioning itself as an anti-DMK front. The DMK, meanwhile, leads a broader INDIA bloc alliance that includes the Congress.

Stalin's clarification

This time, however, state-focused issues have taken a backseat. DMK leaders argue there are "no emotional talking points" like in previous polls. Instead, they are weaponising the BJP's visible presence, Modi's rallies, Fadnavis's visit, and Central projects to paint EPS as a "slave" who has mortgaged Tamil Nadu's autonomy.

Also read: As long as DMK is in power, there will be no three-language policy in TN: CM Stalin

Stalin clarified in recent remarks, "We only formed an alliance with the BJP (in 1999, under Karunanidhi); we did not mortgage or pawn the party." The DMK is betting that anti-BJP sentiment, rooted in fears of cultural/Hindi imposition and federalism erosion, will consolidate votes in its favour. EPS, on the other hand, insists the real fight is against the DMK's "family rule", corruption, and governance failures, not the BJP alliance. He has reminded voters of DMK's own past ties with the BJP under Atal Bihari Vajpayee, accusing Stalin of hypocrisy.

Faced with DMK's relentless "BJP slave" barrage, Palaniswami has deliberately pivoted to personal and character-based assaults on Stalin and Udhayanidhi. He has accused Stalin of "lies and deception". At rallies in Sivaganga and Virudhunagar, he claimed the Chief Minister indulges in "slander and substandard rhetoric" out of fear of defeat. He further said Stalin is distributing "poor-quality laptops" to students because he knows he is losing ground. He has also slammed law and order under the DMK, citing POCSO cases and calling the regime a "laughing stock" on women's safety.

What analysts say

Udhayanidhi's "murattu adimai (severe slave)" jibe against EPS prompted a sharper personal counter. EPS and AIADMK leaders have accused Udhayanidhi of aggressive, divisive rhetoric that distracts from DMK's governance lapses. By framing Udhayanidhi's attacks as immature or dynastic overreach, EPS aims to paint the DMK as a family enterprise reliant on personal abuse rather than policy debate. He warned that "we will hit back" against any "defamatory" remarks targeting him or AIADMK.

Also read: Mamata accuses Stalin, Congress, and ECI of ‘tacit understanding’ with BJP

Analysts note that EPS's strategy is two-fold: neutralise the "BJP slave" tag by highlighting DMK's own past links with the BJP, and force voters to judge the election on DMK's five-year performance rather than ideological concerns. The aim is to avoid a pure anti-BJP referendum.

DMK's welfare schemes and Tamil pride pitch still resonate strongly, while the emergence of actor Vijay's Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK) as a third force adds another layer of unpredictability. For now, the "pro-BJP vs anti-BJP" narrative dominates airwaves, but EPS's personal counter-offensive has ensured the campaign is no longer one-sided.