Religious groups are emerging as key power brokers across the LDF and UDF, raising concerns over women’s rights and slowing internal reform within communities
In the verdant, politically hyperactive landscape of Kerala — a state often celebrated for its high literacy and unique development indices — a profound and somewhat unsettling transformation is taking shape.
For decades, the state’s electoral outcomes have been shaped by a delicate balancing act between the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF). However, the invisible hand guiding these fronts is increasingly wearing a clerical robe.
Clerical veto shapes alliances
As the state enters a new political cycle, the influence of Muslim religious organisations has transitioned from being a silent, behind-the-scenes factor to a dominant, highly visible power bloc. This shift is not merely a matter of representation; it is a structural realignment that threatens to stifle internal community reform and reinforce a patriarchal status quo under the guise of secular coalition building.
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To understand the gravity of this situation, one must first grasp Kerala’s unique demographic pivot. In a departure from the political narrative of many North Indian states, Kerala’s “minority” populations —Muslims and Christians — collectively function as the most decisive voting bloc. The Muslim community, being the largest minority, serves as the ultimate kingmaker.
While various Christian denominations have historically influenced the UDF from the shadows, the Muslim religious leadership has moved toward a more assertive and overt form of political bargaining. This “clerical veto” is now a permanent fixture in the strategic calculations of both the major fronts, often forcing mainstream parties to compromise on progressive values to secure their electoral survival.
Religious factions drive politics
The bedrock of Kerala’s Muslim community is the traditionalist Sunni fold, which is deeply organised under the banner of Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama. This massive entity, however, is famously fractured into two warring factions that serve as the cornerstones of the state’s bipolar politics.
The official faction remains tethered to the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) and is guided by the Panakkad Thangal family. As Sayyids or descendants of the Prophet, the Thangals provide a unique blend of spiritual and political leadership, where a vote for the League is often perceived by the masses as a religious obligation. Even as Samastha, led by figures like Jifri Muthukkoya Thangal, asserts its independent organisational identity, its political destiny remains intertwined with the UDF’s fortunes.
Contrastingly, the splinter group led by Kanthapuram AP Aboobacker Musliyar, known as the ‘AP faction,’ has historically found common ground with the LDF. Driven by the need for organisational survival and a fierce rivalry with the pro-League Samastha, this group has built a symbiotic relationship with the Left.
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This creates a striking paradox where an officially atheist Marxist party relies on a staunchly conservative, miracle-revering religious leadership to win seats in the Malabar region. In exchange for this support, the Left-led government is often accused of maintaining a strategic silence on the group's ultra-conservative social stances, such as the promotion of shrine-based pilgrimages and the construction of religious centres that draw criticism from reformist circles.
Reform sacrificed for votes
The complexity of this religious-political tapestry is further heightened by the presence of Salafis and the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH). The Salafis, while ideologically opposed to the Sunnis over what they consider “un-Islamic” practices like shrine worship, generally remain loyal to the Muslim League to maintain a unified political front.
On the other hand, Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH) occupies a more controversial space. Though their actual vote share is minimal, their intellectual and media influence is significant. For years, their votes leaned toward the LDF, but the formation of their political wing, the Welfare Party of India, soured this relationship. The CPI(M) now frequently labels JIH as a “Muslim version of the RSS”, citing their theory of Hukumat-e-Ilahi or “divine government.” Despite this, JIH currently finds a tactical alignment with the UDF, even as the Muslim League maintains a cautious distance to avoid alienating the traditionalist Sunnis who view the JIH ideology as extremist.
Perhaps the most troubling consequence of this clerical bargaining is the systematic suppression of social reform and the marginalisation of women. In the high-stakes game of electoral mathematics, political parties often equate the “community’s voice” solely with the “clergy’s voice,” which remains an exclusively male domain.
A glaring example is the recent controversy surrounding the Muslim League’s decision to field women candidates in general seats. The traditionalist Samastha leadership has been vocal in its disapproval, maintaining that women should only contest where reservations make it mandatory. When mainstream parties accommodate such views, they effectively stall the “Kerala Model” of progress, leaving liberal Muslims and reformers with no political platform to voice their concerns.
Orthodoxy threatens democratic fabric
This regression is visible in the everyday compromises made by the state’s top leadership. The Marxist party, once the vanguard of social revolution, now finds its leaders seeking the blessings of high priests and religious heads. The vitriol directed at Minister PA Mohammed Riyas by conservative elements for his interfaith marriage — which some clerics went as far as to term “un-Islamic” — highlighted the fragility of liberal values in the face of orthodox pressure. When political parties trade social reform for temporary electoral gains, they do more than just win an election; they effectively cancel out decades of potential progress in community enlightenment.
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Ultimately, the over-reliance on religious organisations as bargaining chips has led to a stagnation of internal reform within the Muslim community. The “tactical alliance” practised by both the LDF and UDF has empowered the most conservative elements to act as gatekeepers of the vote.
As long as the pulpit continues to dictate the terms of the poll, the voices of liberal thinkers, feminists, and reformers within the community will remain stifled. For a state that prides itself on its secular and progressive heritage, the rise of this overt clerical hegemony is not just a challenge for one community, but a warning sign for the future of Kerala’s democratic fabric.
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