CPI(M) faces acid test as Kerala Muslim groups sail closer to Congress

"The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) has gradually come under the influence of the Jamaat-e-Islami and SDPI despite the rejection of these factions by the majority of Muslims." Kerala chief minister and CPI(M) veteran Pinarayi Vijayan’s statement reverberated through nearly all district conferences of the party.

“The Jamaat-e-Islami represents the extreme end of minority communalism, much like the SDPI. During the last Lok Sabha elections, the UDF secured a significant majority, with both these organisations acting as allies,” CPI(M) state secretary MV Govindan too did not fall short in criticising the Jamaat’s role in shaping up the voter base of the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF).

As the top leaders of the Marxist party repeatedly made these scathing attacks, they were underlining the political stance the CPI(M) has taken of late, particularly after the drubbing it endured in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections.

Marxists target Muslim groups

The party has been training the guns at the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Kerala, portraying it as the driving force behind the anti-Left narrative that appears to be shaping minority voting patterns, especially in Lok Sabha elections. The CPI(M) is working to ensure that this minority vote shift towards the UDF remains confined to national elections as they have previously enjoyed Muslim support in Assembly polls.

By reinforcing a hard secular stance, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Left Democratic Party (LDF) seem to be making a calculated move, which could be their last-ditch effort to stay afloat amidst mounting anti-incumbency sentiment.

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However, the CPI(M) and Left leaders' sharp criticism of Jamaat-e-Islami has inadvertently provided the organisation with an opportunity to take centrestage in the state's political discourse surrounding the minority affairs.

Jamat-e-Islami attacks CPI(M)

“The CPI(M)'s criticism reflects their recent political stance. Having failed to secure minority support in 2019 and 2024, the CPI(M) is resorting to a dangerous social engineering by endorsing Sangh Parivar narratives to consolidate the Hindu and Christian vote bank,” said P Mujeeb Rahman, the Kerala Amir of the Jamat-e-Islami.

Until the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, the Muslim community in Kerala was a secure vote base for the Congress-led alliance, primarily due to the IUML’s strong alignment with the Congress, except for a brief period in the 1960s when they aligned with the Left. Although a breakaway faction of the League later joined the Left Front, the majority of the community consistently voted against the "infidel" communists.

However, the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya marked a turning point. This event triggered a significant shift in Kerala’s political landscape, with Muslims beginning to support the communists. This tectonic shift was less visible because the IUML remained part of the Congress-led UDF, ensuring a minimum guarantee of 10-15 Assembly seats from North Kerala.

How Marxists won over Muslims

The CPI(M)-led Left Front gradually made inroads into the traditional vote base of the IUML, largely due to a prominent Sunni faction, led by Kanthapuram a P Aboobacker Musliar, despite ideological conflicts, began aligning with the Left as early as the late 1980s or early 1990s.

This trend of IUML being a buffer for the UDF, however, was totally disrupted in the early 2000s. The derailment became evident during the 2004 Lok Sabha elections when the UDF suffered one of its worst defeats. In 2004, even the IUML candidate lost in the stronghold in Manjeri, marking a significant setback for the UDF and a major boost for the LDF. Interestingly, the IUML emerged as the sole winner for the UDF, securing a seat while all Congress candidates were defeated.

The victory was particularly notable as the LDF candidate, TK Hamza, contested under the communist symbol of the sickle, hammer, and star -- an emblem traditionally shunned by the faithful Muslim electorate. In the 2006 Assembly elections, prominent IUML leaders such as PK Kunhalikutty, ET Mohammed Basheer and MK Muneer -- all serving ministers in the then UDF government -- suffered defeat at the hands of CPI(M)-backed candidates, signaling a significant shift in minority politics.

Babri Masjid and Left

However, the LDF faced a setback during the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, which observers attributed to the counter-polarisation of Hindu votes. This was driven by the portrayal of the Left as appeasers of the Muslim community, including alleged extremists.

Despite these hurdles, the LDF staged a reasonable comeback in the subsequent Assembly elections, narrowly missing re-election by just three seats. From that point onward, the LDF’s voter base has consistently expanded, leading to its re-election to the Assembly twice with an increasing number of seats.

During this period, the Jamaat-e-Islami, despite its limited presence in the electoral arena, acted as a powerful think tank for the community and strongly opposed the Congress. Following the Babri demolition, for obvious reasons, it adopted a stance against the Congress, which ultimately benefitted the Left.

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Muslim outfits and Marxists

“Our political positions are based on political reasoning. After the 1990s, we supported the CPI(M) for political reasons, including their anti-fascist and anti-imperialist stances. They were in a better position to be supported after the Babri Masjid demolition, and we made that decision after discussions with the Left leadership. CPI(M) mouthpiece Deshabhimani published an editorial appreciating our stance in 1996. However, by 2019, for similar political reasons, our support shifted towards the UDF. In the context of the INDIA alliance in Kerala, we extended our support to the Congress as the national party. It should be noted that we supported the CPI(M) in Tamil Nadu and Rajasthan even in 2024,” added P Mujeeb Rahman.

However, many political observers argue that the support offered by the Jamaat-e-Islami was largely theoretical and had minimal impact on the electorate. Given that the ideology of the Jamaat-e-Islami is fundamentally anti-communist, their tactical stance lacked sustainability from the beginning.

Jamaat cadres remain anti-Left

“The Jamaat-e-Islami as a political party holds either minimal or negligible influence in the electorate of Kerala. This became evident after the formation of the Welfare Party, which began contesting elections. Although JI's leadership claims to have supported the LDF, in my understanding, most of their cadres chose to vote for the IUML. Their reluctance to support the sickle, hammer and star symbol reflects the deeply ingrained anti-communism within their ranks,” says CK Abdul Aziz, a political observer who had been associated with the Marxist -Leninist organisations and Abdul Nazar Madani’s PDP in the past.

“Through their media platforms (like Madhyamam daily and Media One TV) and other resources, JI attempts to shape narratives according to their interests much like other organisations. However, they have been unable to mobilise a significant vote bank or become a decisive force in any constituency,” added Abudl Aziz.

IUML and Jamaat

From its inception, Jamaat-e-Islami found itself at odds with other Muslim organisations, particularly the Sunnis and Mujahids, due to its ideological stance. The IUML had condemned the group on multiple occasions in the past; however, since 2019, it appears that the two have entered into a kind of partnership, united by their shared opposition to the CPI(M). Following the formation of the Welfare Party of India, the Jamaat-e-Islami was determined to find a place within various political fronts in Kerala, and it now seems they have found a footing in the UDF.

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“The relationship between the IUML and the Jamaat-e-Islami is not a recent development; it dates back to our association in the Muslim Friendship Platform during the time of Muhammed Ali Shihab Thangal. In recent times, they have also started voting for us, and there is no need to reject or deny this reality,” IUML president Sadiq Ali Shihab Thangal said in a recent interview.

Equating LDF with Modi govt

After 2016, with Pinarayi Vijayan consolidating power in the state and Narendra Modi at the Centre, the Jamaat-e-Islami consistently critiqued the LDF government, often equating its style of functioning with that of the Modi government in Delhi accusing them of Islamophobia in each and every issue.

The UDF, in turn, frequently drew political strength from this stance, which benefited them in the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections, at the very least. On the other hand, the Jamaat-e-Islami was more lenient towards the Congress' softer Hindutva approach compared to their criticisms of the CPI(M).

“For those rooted in an anti-communist ideology, it was almost unthinkable that the LDF government could secure a second consecutive term in 2021. Criticisms against Muslim religious organisations and their political-social stances are often portrayed as Islamophobia, which is a calculated tactic to familiarise the Muslim community with such narratives and utilise them to safeguard organisational interests,” added C K Abdul Aziz, the former PDP leader.

Marxists and communalism

“Our criticism of the Jamaat-e-Islami is not a critique of the Muslim community as a whole. We are steadfast in opposing both majority and minority communalism and will not compromise on this stance,” clarifies MV Govindan, the state secretary of the CPI(M).

Although CPI(M) leaders repeatedly assert this, the opposition think tank has been somewhat successful in portraying the ruling party turning its back on the minorities. The true impact of this narrative will only become clear after the local self-government or Assembly elections.