Why attempts at religious polarisation have not worked in South India

Last week, a colleague in Chennai invited me to his wedding. The two-page invitation was simple and informative.

The main ceremony was to be held in a church on a Sunday. The young man described himself as a Roman Catholic and, in reply to my queries, went on to describe how his family had planned his marriage rites and celebrations.

Blend of practices

From his description, it was evident that there were similarities between Hindu marriage customs and the traditions which his family has been following.

For instance, the groom said it was an “arranged marriage” and the matchmaking was cleared by a jyotishi (astrologer) by comparing the horoscopes of the boy and the girl. The parameters in the horoscopes included rashi (zodiac sign) and nakshatra (birth star). His rashi is the same as mine, and I happen to be a Hindu.

As I became more curious, he went on to describe marriage traditions for my benefit. It included the boy tying a mangalsutra around the bride’s neck, applying vermilion on her forehead and the gathered family and friends greeting the couple by showering them with flowers and akshada (sacred rice mixed with turmeric powder).

The colleague then described the Christian wedding procedures as well. 

Celebrating inclusivity

Clearly, the marriage was a blend of Christian and Hindu rites and rituals. Not only him, many Christians in Tamil Nadu and neighbouring regions have incorporated in their marriage traditions practices borrowed from Hinduism.

In some regions of Tamil Nadu, it is not unusual to see Muslim women sporting the mangalsutra. However, the adoption of rituals from other religions is not homogenous as there are theological differences within religions.

In many parts of the South, Hindus, Christians and Muslims have been living together and sharing their practices for centuries, adopting each other's traditions and customs.

For instance, it is not unusual for Hindu men and women crossing themselves when they pass by a church. Interfaith traditions and even marriages are common in this region. In fact, along with the good practices, even some malices such as dowry have crept in, but that is a different story.

This brief story of harmony does reinforce the belief that despite over a decade of a heavily polarised social environment caused by intense politicisation, harmonious cultural practices do exist. Most communities have ignored toxic messaging and focused on their existential issues such as jobs and prices.

Divisive discourse

It is important to discuss the issue at a time when campaigning for the national elections has turned bitter and divisive. Hatred, bulldozers, kabristan (Muslim graveyard), cronyism, raids, arrests and jail etc. have become the catchwords of Election 2024.

Of course, there were discussions on welfare measures, reservation, social equity, corruption, jobs, disparities, and price rise but they got drowned by a tsunami of divisive issues.

In the long, gruelling 7-phase elections, the first five phases have resonated with most of these issues. The rhetoric is only expected to get more intense in the remaining two phases.

But, the redeeming factor is that the intensity of polarisation has varied from state to state. In the southern states, religious polarisation has had little impact and 2024 is no exception.

The Kerala story

In Kerala, with the Left Front and the United Democratic Front pitted against each other, the BJP is trying to make a mark as a third force.

There have been attempts to polarise the politics by right wing groups without much success. Last week, Malayalam superstar Mammooty was trolled mercilessly for a movie role he played two years ago.

As an anti-hero, through his nuanced acting, he played the role of a bigoted Hindu upper caste retired police officer in the film. The trolls and cyber armies accused him of degrading Hinduism and attacked his religious identity.

In Tami Nadu, the political class have been acutely aware of the necessity to embrace inclusive politics. Even the right wing ecosystem, while attacking the establishment and its allies, kept clear of overtly religious issues.

Instead, they – mainly the BJP – focused on issues such as corruption, family rule and mismanaged economy. Attempts were made to appropriate local icons and local practices and traditions were embraced.

2 strategies for Telugu states

In neighbouring Andhra Pradesh, all the parties have shunned communal discourse as the state has a sizable minority population. Both Telugu Desam and YSRCP, who are doing the heavy lifting in the elections (the state also faced simultaneous Assembly polls), consciously supported minority rights.

The BJP, an ally of the TDP and in some ways close to the YSRCP (as it had supported the BJP from outside in Parliament), remained muted over the issue. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who spoke about Muslim reservation in Telangana, did not speak about it in Andhra Pradesh.

In Telangana, however, the presence of the AIMIM did heat up things. The BJP, which senses an opportunity following the decline of the BRS, mounted an intense campaign. In Hyderabad, its candidate Madhavi Latha took on AIMIM’s Asaduddin Owaisi, ratcheting up the communal discourse. The issue is unlikely to resonate in a big manner outside Hyderabad.

The BJP, basing its hopes solely on ‘Modi Magic’, is expecting a rich haul in the state.

Banking on Brand Modi

In neighbouring Karnataka, too, the BJP looks at Modi as the only redeeming factor. Some observers do believe that Modi has succeeded in converting the elections to presidential in nature and, therefore, the absence of a well-defined prime ministerial candidate opposing him has given him an edge.

There is over-reliance on Modi also because the BJP, since its defeat in the Karnataka Assembly elections, has not managed to regroup. The party in Karnataka still remains divided. The Prajwal Revanna case has taken the sheen off the BJP’s tie-up with the JD(S).

During BJP rule in the state, controversies over Hijab, Halal and minority appeasement did rear their head. But subsequently the noise died down. The politics has now turned more traditional, involving Lingayats (a dominant community) and caste reservations. A sub quota for Muslims within reservation quota for OBCs and the BJP’s opposition to it alleging it was on religious lines too figured in the electioneering.

Overall, the South did not see the kind of attempts at polarisation that were seen in the North. The reason is simple —- political parties are unlikely to raise issues which may not resonate on the ground.