Will Rajeev Chandrasekhar, BJP’s new Kerala unit chief, deliver?

Politics in Kerala witnessed a seismic shift on Monday (March 24) as Rajeev Chandrasekhar, a technocrat and former Union minister, ascended to the post of BJP state president in Kerala.

Chandrasekhar’s political journey is one marked by versatility and ambition. He brings about 18 years of experience to the role, having served three terms as a Rajya Sabha member from Karnataka and as a national spokesperson for the BJP.

His stint as Union minister of state for electronics and IT gave him an opportunity to navigate complex policy domains, a skill he now seeks to leverage in Kerala.

Trenchant critic of LDF

At 60, Chandrasekhar is no stranger to Kerala’s politics, having contested the 2024 Lok Sabha elections from Thiruvananthapuram as the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) candidate.

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Though he lost to Congress stalwart Shashi Tharoor by a narrow margin of 16,077 votes, his campaign significantly reduced Tharoor’s victory margin from 99,989 votes in 2019, signalling Chandrasekhar’s growing influence.

As vice-chairman of the NDA’s Kerala unit, Chandrasekhar has been a vocal advocate for expanding the BJP’s footprint in a state dominated by the Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the United Democratic Front (UDF).

A major shift

His elevation to state president represents a radical departure for the BJP in Kerala, a move which analysts describe as a “tectonic shift” in the party’s strategy.

Unlike his predecessor K Surendran, who relied heavily on grassroots mobilisation and a hardline Hindutva narrative, Chandrasekhar brings a tinge of corporate polish to the party. His appointment suggests the BJP’s intent to pivot toward a more sophisticated, urban-centric approach, targeting Kerala’s educated middle class and leveraging his technocratic credentials to appeal to a demographic “disillusioned with the state’s traditional bipolar politics”.

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Yet, this shift has not come without controversy as his actions and statements have often placed him at odds with both the LDF government and the opposition UDF.

Bomb blast theory

Chandrasekhar’s criticism of the Kerala government is a key aspect of his political identity. He has consistently targeted the Pinarayi Vijayan-led administration, frequently accusing it of pandering to minority interests.

His remarks on the Kalamassery bomb blast — where eight people were killed after a disillusioned Jehovah’s Witness sympathizer detonated an IED at their religious gathering — ignited controversy in Kerala’s political landscape.

Chandrasekhar attributed the attack to Islamist terrorists and blamed the state government’s alleged leniency towards the Hamas in Palestine, a claim that triggered sharp reactions. Pinarayi capitalised on the moment, branding him “severely poisonous”.

“I initially thought he was poisonous, but now I believe he is not just poisonous, but extremely so. And he wears it not as an insult, but as a badge of honour,” said the CM. The Marxist leader accused the BJP leader of communalising a tragedy.

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BJP’s Kerala stable

Sreejith Divakaran, a senior journalist and political commentators, pointed out another aspect of Chandrasekhar.

“Despite their ideology, the Kerala BJP leaders have a deep-rooted social fabric, shaped by shared spaces and cultural interactions across communities. Even those aligned directly with the Sangh maintain certain connections to Kerala’s pluralistic society, which can act as a restraining factor,” Divakaran said.

“Chandrasekhar, however, does not share this organic connection. His rise within the BJP represents the party’s new model of leadership — backed by central figures like Amit Shah and corporate allies,” he added.

“His influence extends across media, business and politics, reflecting a structured, top-down approach rather than traditional party-building at the local level. The growing nexus between media outlets like Asianet News (which he owns) and political narratives raises concerns about the shaping of public discourse” added Divakaran.

Congress on Chandrasekhar

Incidentally, Chandrasekhar was frequently labelled a “fake news peddler” by the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) and Congress cyber teams as many of his tweets and social media posts lacked substance and were highly polarizing, according to them.

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Leader of the Opposition VD Satheesan said the Congress was not concerned about who leads the BJP as their focus was on ideology rather than individuals. He added that he did not see Chandrasekhar as someone who truly adheres to BJP’s ideology.

National issues

This remark drew sharp criticism from the Left, which accused Satheesan of legitimizing the new BJP president’s Hindutva hardline by portraying it in a more refined manner.

Satheesan’s assertion that he lacks BJP ideology stems from his relatively moderate public persona compared to firebrand leaders like Surendran. His background as a successful entrepreneur — having founded Jupiter Capital and played a key role in India’s telecom revolution — lends him an image of a technocrat rather than a traditional ideologue.

Yet, his tenure as a BJP spokesperson saw him deftly toe the party line, defending contentious policies like the Citizenship Amendment Act and the abrogation of Article 370. In Kerala, he has attempted to balance this national loyalty with localized appeals, focusing on development and investment rather than solely on Hindutva.

Will Chandrasekhar succeed?

For the BJP in Kerala, Chandrasekhar’s leadership is a double-edged sword. On one hand, it offers a chance to rebrand the party as a viable alternative to the LDF and UDF, shedding its image as a fringe player. His narrow loss in Thiruvananthapuram and the BJP’s historic win in Thrissur in 2024 — where Suresh Gopi secured the state’s first Lok Sabha seat for the party — indicate a slow but tangible rise in vote share.

A section in the party believes that Chandrasekhar’s elevation could consolidate these gains, particularly in urban centres and among younger voters who prioritize economic growth over ideological battles. However, another faction remains skeptical of his lack of grassroots connection among the party’s rank and file.

Will secularism trip Chandrasekhar?

His ability to navigate Delhi’s power corridors, evidenced by his close ties to the BJP’s central leadership, also ensures Kerala remains on the national radar, potentially unlocking funds and projects to bolster the party’s appeal.

On the other hand, his polarizing statements and anti-government stance risk alienating a state electorate wary of divisive politics. Kerala’s political culture, shaped by decades of Left and Congress dominance, values secularism and social welfare — principles Chandrasekhar’s critiques often challenge.

His Kalamassery remarks in particular, while rallying the BJP cadre, had deepened the perception of him as an antagonist to Kerala’s ethos, a sentiment Vijayan’s “poisonous” label seeks to exploit. Satheesan’s skepticism about his ideological fit raises questions about his ability to unify the BJP’s state unit, where factions have clashed over Surendran’s tenure and organizational restructuring.

Keeping fingers crossed

As state president, Chandrasekhar faces the daunting task of translating his personal charisma and Delhi clout into grassroots success. The BJP’s vote share in Kerala has grown from 6 per cent in 2011 to over 15 per cent in 2024, but converting this into Assembly seats remains elusive.

His strategy will likely hinge on amplifying anti-incumbency against the LDF, which has governed since 2016, while countering the UDF’s resurgence under Satheesan. The 2025 local self-government and 2026 Assembly elections loom as a litmus test. Can Chandrasekhar deliver the BJP’s long-sought breakthrough in Kerala or will his elevation prove a gamble too far?