Manipur: Normalcy returns after 7 months of bloodshed, turmoil

After almost seven months of ethnic violence, perhaps the longest-ever civil strife in India which has left over 200 dead and displaced more than 60,000, Manipur is finally returning to normalcy, Chief Minister N Biren Singh made the announcement on Christmas Day (December 25) while addressing a press conference in state capital Imphal.

The chief minister was candid enough to admit that during those days of “crisis” security forces and police were not allowed to move in the Imphal Valley, an apparent failure of his government to enforce the rule of law, as his government did not want to use force against its own people. Singh said peace needs to be built slowly and exhorted people of the state to shun violence.

“Solving problems will take time, but in the meantime, I will appeal to all citizens of India and particularly those who are in Manipur and are taking part in the crisis to stop violence, to start dialogue, to start peaceful dialogue. We have to live together again, and we have to resettle the displaced persons in their respective places, children have to go to schools, people have to do their works (earn their livelihoods), so I appeal to the concerned to stop violence,” he said.

A day before, the Manipur government threw open two highways amid tight security to signal normalcy returning to the state. Though the Indigenous Tribal Leaders' Forum (ITLF) announced a blockade in hill districts, the security forces were able to thwart the move.

What triggered the violence?

The northeastern state, which borders Myanmar, Mizoram and Nagaland, is home to about 3.23 million people, with more than 52 per cent living in the Imphal Valley and the rest about 42 per cent in the hill districts. The Meitei community, comprising 53 per cent of the population, largely inhabits the valley, whereas the Kuki and Naga tribal communities live in the hill districts of Churachandpur and Kangpokpi.

The Metei community has been demanding Scheduled Tribe status, which the Kuki Zo and other tribal communities resent as they see in this demand a ploy of the Meiteis to extend their influence in the hill districts and perpetuate their hegemony over the polity of the state. The Meitei-dominated valley which consists of 11 per cent of the area, for instance, sends 40 MLAs to the 60-member state Assembly and uses almost 80 per cent of development funds meant for the state.

The Manipur High Court in April directed the state government to recommend to the Centre granting of ST status to the Meiteis, without taking into account the repercussions such an order will have in its wake.

In protest, the All Tribal Students Union Manipur held a Tribal Solidarity March on May 3 in the hill districts in which thousands of tribals participated. The march was peaceful but things took an ugly turn after a non-tribal was assaulted in Churachandpur district headquarters. The same day, non-tribal villages of Torbung and Kangvai were attacked. The border town of Moreh in Tengnoupal district also witnessed similar incidents of arson that evening.

The events that followed pushed the state into the vortex of violence, with murder and mayhem becoming the norm of the day, as both Kuki and Meitei militant groups began brutal retaliatory revenge attacks on each other.

Displacement of tribals from the forest

More than the proposed inclusion of Meiteis in the ST list, which provided the spark needed for the violence to break out, there was widespread resentment among the tribals against the Biren Singh government. The state government had been running an eviction drive to remove tribal settlements from ‘protected forest’ areas. In February, it allegedly removed 38 Kuki villages, with 1000 inhabitants each, from the Churachandpur–Khoupum protected forest. The tribals held many protests against their eviction but the government, unfazed, continued the exercise.

Clashes broke out between demonstrators and police in Kangpokpi district in March, when they tried to hold a rally against “encroachment of tribal land in the name of reserved forests, protected forests and wildlife sanctuary”.

“It has been building up for a long time, in some ways unseen and some ways quite openly, but the government was not paying attention,” Pradip Phanjoubam, editor of the Imphal Review of Arts and Politics, was quoted as saying in media reports.

Hardening of stance

Following the clashes, the state cabinet withdrew from the tripartite Suspension of Operations (SoO) talks with two Kuki outfits, the Kuki National Army and the Zomi Revolutionary Army, saying the “state government will not compromise on steps taken to protect forest resources and for eradicating poppy cultivation”. The SoO has been in effect between the central, and state government and Kuki militant outfits since 2008.

The decision caused further damage to the already strained relations between the BJP government and the Kukis. The resentment against the chief minister, particularly in Churachandpur district, eventually led to violent protests in April last week. The ITLF called an eight-hour shutdown on April 28 to protest the eviction drive against the tribals.

All this led to the ethnic violence after the May 3 solidarity march.

Government inaction and silence

As the violence continued to spiral, with murderous mobs ruling the streets of the troubled state, the Biren Singh government did little to rein in and enforce the law, amid nationwide public outcry. There was little action to mitigate the situation, even though the central government had rushed in security forces to help restore law and order. Even the army chief also made a point by visiting the state after some army units were rushed in.

If the state government refused to act decisively to contain violence, the Union government observed a studied silence over the worsening situation in the state. There were heated debates in Parliament followed by walkouts by opposition members but the Prime Minister refused to listen.

Rahul Gandhi in Manipur

Two months after the violence broke out, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, accompanied by some fellow party leaders visited Manipur on June 29 and met displaced families in relief camps in Moirang town. However, he was not allowed to visit the tribal districts. Calling for a "healing touch", he wrote in a post on X, formerly Twitter, that “restoration of peace is the top priority. Manipur needs healing, and only together we can bring harmony”.

By the time the Congress leader visited the state, violence had claimed over 100 lives.

Centre’s rapprochement comes a cropper

A month earlier, amid the call from the opposition for the government to act, Union Home Minister Amit visited the strife-torn state. Accompanied by top central officials, Amit Shah met a slew of civil society members, the chief minister and bureaucracy during his four-day visit. His appeal for peace, however, did cut little ice with warring Meitei and Kuki communities. The Centre’s attempt at a rapprochement came a cropper.

Nonetheless, back-channel efforts continued to bring the leaders of both communities around and stand down.

The incident that ‘shamed’ the nation

When a video showing two tribal girls being paraded naked before they were allegedly raped some Meitei youths surfaced on social media, it shook the conscience of the nation. The shocking video, which was shot on May 4, forced Prime Minister Narendra Modi to break his silence over the violence in Manipur.

Saying that the gory incident had "shamed India", the prime minister promised, "No guilty will be spared... what happened with the daughters of Manipur can never be forgiven."

The Centre directed the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to bring the perpetrators of the heinous act to justice.

The Supreme Court also appointed a panel comprising retired women judges of high courts to investigate various cases of violence and relief and rehabilitation of the victims.

Looting of arms

The scale of the lawlessness that has reigned in Manipur can be gauged by the audacious attacks on security forces by rampaging mobs and looting of arms, even as the local police did nothing to contain them.

For instance, mobs hit the 7th Manipur Rifles complex at Khabeisoi in Imphal East district and looted thousands of weapons, including AK 47, and ammunition. They called it necessary “to defend their homes from invaders as security forces had failed to protect lives and properties of the people”, according to media reports.

However, only a faction has been recovered by the security forces.

Repeated internet shutdowns

To further complicate the situation, the state government resorted to internet shutdown at the spur of the moment, with the anarchist having a field day peddling rumours and heightening the distrust between the warring communities.

In all, the government resorted to 200 days of internet shutdown during the violence.

Victims find a resting place

In a sign of normalcy returning to the state, the bodies of 87 Kuki Zo, killed in the violence, were laid to rest in Churachandpur on December 20. Five days earlier, 19 victims were cremated.

The tribal forum had refused to bury the victims and their bodies had been lying in mortuaries since May.

The seven-month-long ethnic strife has cost the state dearly as it has adversely affected not only agriculture, which is the mainstay of its economy but also sectors like tourism, trading and business.

There is a long road ahead for Manipur before normalcy turns into long-lasting peace.