Far-right is using Himachal’s economic crisis to undermine Shimla's syncretic tradition

As a part of the western Himalayas, Himachal Pradesh has always been a melting pot of cultures. A sizeable portion of the state was once part of the ancient Silk Route, which fostered diversity and exchange.

The same applies to Shimla, which emerged as a prominent town in the mid-1800s when it was chosen to replace Murree as the summer capital of British India, officially designated in 1864. The British aimed to attract individuals with diverse skills to aid the summer capital’s development and administration, laying the groundwork for urbanisation.

Migration now a villain

This process accelerated after 1947, following the Partition, which brought a significant number of migrants from present-day Pakistan. More waves of migration followed from other parts of the country in the subsequent decades and enriched Shimla’s demographic diversity and contributed to its economic and social development.

But today, some far-right majoritarian groups are questioning this migration.

As defined by Elizabeth Carter, a senior lecturer in politics at Kelle University, UK, the far-right refers to both populist and extreme strands of right-wing politics, positioning collective actors at the farthest right end of the right-left ideological spectrum.

Also read: Explained: Magnitude, causes, and impact of Himachal’s financial crisis

Politics of exclusion

Historically, migration concerns existed in rural Himachal Pradesh, but the focus was on economic justice and land rights, not on targeting any particular community.

YS Parmar, the state’s founder and first Chief Minister, introduced Section 118 of the HP Land and Tenancy Act, 1972, after he recognised the threat of the land mafia, mostly run by people from outside the state, exploiting local farmers.

Thus, to protect these largely illiterate farmers, Parmar implemented a provision restricting non-agriculturists from within and outside the state from purchasing agricultural land.

On the other hand, the recent resentment in Shimla has little to do with economic justice and is instead a clear-cut case of far-right majoritarianism, a trend being witnessed globally.

Syncretic Shimla

The name “Shimla” has various interpretations. One theory suggests it originated from the word “Shyamalaya” meaning “blue house”, referring to a structure made of blue slate built by a faqir on Shimla’s Jakhu Hill.

Another explanation ties the name to Shyamala Devi, a local deity of the Jakhu Hill considered an incarnation of Goddess Kali.

Presently, the Kali Bari temple situated in Bantony Hill, Shimla, is dedicated to Shyamala Devi. The temple was originally built in 1823 by a Bengali priest named Ram Charan and, till today, Bengali priests oversee the ceremonies in the temple. Despite differences in customary practices, many local Hindus visit the place regularly.

Ethos of compassion

This is just one example of the syncretic ethos of Shimla. Hazrat Baba’s Sufi shrine is another powerful example of this inclusivity, where devotees, regardless of their religious background, come to offer their prayers.

Remarkably, the shrine is taken care of by a Hindu trust — an arrangement that has never been questioned — but rather celebrated — as a symbol of harmony.

Similarly, the Christ Church on the Ridge, Shimla, is not just a Protestant Christian landmark but a city icon cherished by locals of all belief systems.

The ethos of compassion transcends beliefs as well. Sarabjeet Singh Bobby, popularly known as Bobby Vella, is a Sikh social worker who works diligently to provide free langars, or community meals, near the IGMC Cancer Hospital, Shimla. Locals from all faiths contribute to these meals.

Also read: Shimla: Protesters clash with police; demand action against ‘illegal’ mosque

Mutual reliance

Furthermore, in a city where more than 97 per cent of the population is Hindu, per Census 2011, Christian missionary-operated schools, such as Bishop Cotton, Jesus and Mary, St Edward’s, Loreto Convent, and Auckland House, continue to be the first choice for residents.

Similar to this sense of mutual reliance, a large number of Shimla homes and business owners rely on the gas cylinders and heavy products mostly supplied by Kashmiri Muslims, popularly known as Khan Bhais. These suppliers are essential to the timely delivery of goods to stores and showrooms at locations such as Lower Bazar and Mall Road where cars are prohibited.

Battle of caps

This kind of plurality was once seen in Himachal’s political environment too. From the mid-1990s to the early 2010s, traditional Himachali caps in different colours were used to represent political allegiance. Green caps were worn by Congress followers, who were faithful to the Late Virbhadra Singh, while their BJP counterparts, loyal to Prem Kumar Dhumal, sported maroon caps.

In this colourful political battle, there were also some CPI(M) supporters who did not wear caps at all. These cult supporters of Rakesh Singha were jokingly referred to as the “Red-salute army”.

Even in politics, the competition was more about people and policies.

Far-right surge

But since 2014, the political landscape has clearly changed, with ideology now taking centre stage. These days, far-right groups are intensifying these changes, aiming to destroy not just syncretic symbols but also the social cohesion of peaceful non-heartland areas such as Himachal Pradesh. Their actions have the potential to upset the state long-standing traditions of peace, upending Himachaliyat, the foundation of Himachal Pradesh’s pluralistic society.

Recent events, such as the demonstrations seeking the demolition of a mosque in Sanjauli, Shimla, and corresponding protests in Mandi, Kullu, Solan, and Sunni, point to a well-planned effort to undermine the state’s peaceful atmosphere.

Claiming to uphold “Sanatani” principles, far-right organisations such as the Devbhoomi Sangharsh Samiti and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, are destroying the harmony and inclusivity that characterize Himachal Pradesh. They have started an unjustified campaign of intimidation against Muslim migrant workers, especially those from the Hindi heartland, inciting unfounded concerns about demographic changes as most of these workers come for temporary employment and do not settle permanently.

Also read: Himachal Pradesh: Hindu outfits take out rally demanding Waqf Board be abolished

How local economy is involved

What was alarming in these protests was the significant involvement of unemployed youth. Their participation underscores the urgency of their grievances and highlights how the growing inclination towards far-right groups is rooted in economic challenges.

These economic challenges date back to the period after the 1990s, when the wave of neo-liberal policies led to a sharp reduction in government jobs, a key source of stability for local families. Coupled with an underdeveloped private sector over the following decades, this decline has left both urban and rural communities in a state of discontent and uncertainty.

Consequently, the economic disparity and lack of opportunities have fuelled frustration among the youth, making them more susceptible to the appeal of far-right groups as they seek avenues for expression and change.

The possible solution

To effectively tackle these challenges and promote a more equitable society, a robust civil society advocating for inclusivity and sustainable development is crucial for Himachal Pradesh. This would not only foster accountability and drive positive change but would also encourage dialogue and participation that can help alleviate youth discontent, countering divisive narratives propagated by the far-right.

Moreover, it will help emphasise collective action as a means to address pressing social issues, fostering a sense of belonging and shared responsibility among citizens.

The ruling class and elites also must recognise their responsibility in shaping societal dynamics and refrain from empowering divisive forces. Together, they should develop comprehensive strategies to tackle unemployment, boost small-scale industries, and invest in rehabilitation programmes for misguided youth. Stricter law enforcement is also necessary to combat the rising far-right.

Thus, by combining citisen engagement with a sustainable economic model, a new path can be paved for a more equitable and sustainable future for Himachal Pradesh.