Harini Amarasuriya interview: Lanka’s PM hopeful on her plans, ties with India, and more

Born and raised in Colombo by a homemaker mother and tea planter father, Amarasuriya, who joined politics in 2015 after a decade-long career as a professor of sociology and anthropology and a leader of the teachers’ trade union, took her first degree from the Hindu College in Delhi before completing her doctoral research at the University of Edinburgh. A prolific author on women’s rights, dissent and resistance and a star campaigner of the NPP, Amarasuriya has already travelled over 1,700 km in the election campaign, addressing five to six meetings a day. The hard-fought presidential election in Sri Lanka is scheduled to be held on September 21, in which NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake is pitted against current President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Samagi Jana Balawegaya leader Sajith Premadasa and Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s Namal Rajapaksa — both sons of former presidents.

While economic recovery is the major issue in the election campaign for all political parties, the NPP is calling for a change in the elitist political culture in the island nation where the sitting president Gotabaya Rajapaksa was forced to flee the country following fierce street protests during the financial crisis in 2022. Amarasuriya’s speeches at her well-attended election meetings, dominated by women attendees, stressed on ending the culture of political families and action on giving compensation and closure to families that witnessed the disappearance and murder of their dear ones during the civil war. At her election meetings, Amarasuriya, who was one of the editors of The Intimate Life of Dissent: Anthropological Perspectives (2020) — a book about the period of dissent in Sri Lanka in the 1980s — often tells the audience the famous quote by Booker Prize-winning author Arundhati Roy, her favourite Indian author, “A new world is not only possible, she is on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing.”

Sri Lanka has the rare distinction of having more women voters (52 percent) than men though political representation of women is scant and there are only 12 women MPs in the current Parliament. In her interactions with women voters, Amarasuriya, who many see as the next prime minister of Sri Lanka if the NPP wins the parliamentary elections, stresses on changing all that if her party wins the elections. In this interview to The Federal, Amarasuriya talks about the major issues in the presidential election, the role of women in Sri Lankan politics, gender equality and how women are leading the efforts of truth and reconciliation in the post-civil war era. Excerpts from the interview:

In the past weeks, you have been campaigning hard in what is considered as the most important election in the history of Sri Lanka. With only a week to go for the presidential election, what have been the learning from the ground about the needs and aspirations of the Sri Lankan people in the aftermath of a disastrous economic crisis and street protests against the government only two years ago?

One thing is clear: the people of Sri Lanka want change. I feel this election is very different from any other we’ve had before. The economic crisis and the Aragalaya movement have really shaped the way people think about the election and what they want. Aragalaya, which means dissent or protest (in Sinhala), was the citizens’ uprising following the economic crisis. This time, you have economic issues, the cost of living crisis, the education crisis, the health crisis, and loss of income, all on one side. At the same time, people are not looking for a quick-fix solution. They genuinely want something meaningful. So, they are asking bigger questions about economic recovery and, most importantly, cleaning up the political system. It’s not the immediate issues that people are concerned with. They seem to be really looking for a change in the political culture, the political system, and the patronage-based, primarily elitist, political framework. People seem to want a shift from that, which I think is quite unique this time.

There are 38 candidates, including your party’s candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in the fray. How do you view the political and ideological differences between the candidates, including the presence of several candidates from political families that could help or hinder progress and development in Sri Lanka?

At the moment, there are 38 contestants left after the death of one candidate. But it is very clear that there are two camps. Most of the candidates are either proxy candidates or people who contest presidential elections every time they come up. However, if you look at the leading candidates — those who are prominent and represent political parties in Parliament —it is evident that there are two distinct camps. One camp represents the status quo, the establishment, and the existing political culture, while the other offers a different perspective, a new political culture, and a different formula.

It’s clear that you have the current president, Ranil Wickremesinghe, who comes from a political family and has been in politics for almost as long as I’ve been alive. Then there’s Sajith Premadasa, son of former president Ranasinghe Premadasa, and Namal Rajapaksa, son of former president Mahinda Rajapaksa. All of them represent the establishment. On the other hand, you have Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), who has also been in politics for 30 odd years, but comes from a different background. He reached his position through his political actions, gradually working his way up in the political movement. His rise wasn’t handed to him on a platter; he had to work hard for it. He survived insurrection, endured numerous party divisions, and somehow made it to the top. These represent two very different political heritages, and I think Anura aligns more closely with the current anti-establishment sentiment among the people.

What are your party’s promises, considering its history with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) uprisings in the past as well as its Leftist leaning, to guide the country into a future that would help all the Sri Lankans irrespective of politics, religion, class and caste, including the sizeable Tamil population?

The JVP renounced violence a long time ago. They have repeatedly stated publicly that they do not believe in violence as a means to gain power, and that is no longer how they wish to engage in politics. Since 1994, the JVP has been part of the democratic mainstream, contesting every election. They have been integrated into the political and democratic system of this country. Even after 1994, they have often been victims of political violence, but never the instigators. I think their track record speaks for itself. Anura himself has publicly declared that violence is no longer an option.

In many ways, the constant focus on the JVP’s past fails to acknowledge the violence of other political parties in Sri Lanka, which, despite being part of the democratic system, have often resorted to violence, leading to the deaths of many citizens. Simply holding the JVP accountable overlooks the broader issue of how violent politics has been in Sri Lanka, where violence has frequently been used to remain in power or to influence elections. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the United National Party have been part of this system for a long time.

You are a prominent rights activist in Sri Lanka and a prolific writer on civil society’s rights for dissent and resistance. Have the recent protests and resistance in the country led to a better political discourse in the country?

I think it has led to a different dynamic in our polity: in the sense, as I said right at the beginning, people are much more aware of the underlying causes of the economic crisis and the political crisis in the country. Very importantly, it has sparked conversations, and the post-Aragalaya movement has allowed the country to come together as citizens irrespective of any other division in the collective desire for political change.

Aragalaya has united the people of the country, who have realised that the economic crisis affects everyone and that its root cause is the political crisis, and fixing the political crisis is a prerequisite for moving the country forward. It is an interesting moment in our history. In previous elections, communities were often pitted against each other, with national security being framed as the key issue. This time, that is not the case. For the first time, the threat to any particular community is not the key issue. This provides a tremendous opportunity for Sri Lanka to unify and reimagine what its future should look like as a whole.

Sri Lanka is a rare nation in the world with a voting population of women higher than that of men. What is the role of women in Sri Lankan politics in general and the presidential election in particular with scant representation in Parliament?

In every election, women’s votes have been critical. In Sri Lanka, women account for 52 percent of the electorate. Every time there has been a significant shift in the political landscape, women’s votes have been crucial, and that is no different this time. What’s particularly interesting now is the surge of support from women, especially for the NPP. This is largely because we made an early decision that women needed to be politically mobilised, organised, and given the space to take on political leadership. Over the past year, we worked hard to engage women at the community and grassroots levels. This effort has been immensely successful and highly effective.

You can now see that the NPP has a strong base among women voters, which has influenced other political parties to more intentionally address women voters and attempt to mobilise them. Traditionally, women voters were swayed by handouts and giveaways during the election. This time, it’s different. Women are no longer falling for that. They are asking much more critical questions of politicians.

Also, the economic crisis has had a severe impact; it really hit women and households very badly. With the cost of living, food, and utilities skyrocketing, women have been burdened with the challenge of keeping their families afloat. For this reason, there is much higher interest among women this time in actively participating in political change. I am confident that the next Parliament will see an increase in the number of women MPs. 

You have written and spoken decisively about women and children being the worst victims of the long civil war in Sri Lanka. How would you bring their voices to the truth and reconciliation process in a post-civil war era?

The women in this country, particularly those affected by the civil war, have repeatedly expressed what they want. Numerous commissions have sought the views of women victims regarding the reconciliation process, compensation, and grievance mechanisms they want. It is time for the government to take action on these issues. Women have been demanding these changes for years. They are seeking the truth about what happened to their family members. This must be taken seriously. The people need to know what happened to the members of their families who were handed over to security forces and to those who disappeared. Some form of answers is necessary.

A truth-seeking mechanism is crucial for people to come to terms with what happened, allowing them to mourn their losses, and grieve. All of this must be recognised and respected. Moving forward, we need a process that provides a sense of justice. This could include methods similar to those used in South Africa, where forgiveness-seeking mechanisms were explored. However, most of all, people need to be acknowledged that this happened and they must be allowed to grieve. Currently, even acts of remembrance are seen as crimes, which is unacceptable. The process of healing needs to begin.

On foreign policy, what is your party’s stance on relations with India in the context of regional security that India is concerned about?

Given our current position, we can’t afford to make enemies. We are not in a position to dictate terms, but we must have a clear agenda that ultimately benefits the people of our country. We are aware of regional tensions and sensitive to India’s security concerns, given our location and its potential impact on their security. Therefore, we will remain mindful of this. At the same time, we aim to maintain good relations with all countries and attract foreign investment that upholds transparency and does not contribute to corruption.

We expect our global partners to recognise that our political party is committed to fighting corruption. We ended up in this situation because we attracted investment that led to nowhere, due to vanity projects and easy money that eventually contributed to the economic crisis we face today. We hope our international partners will consider not only their own interests but also the consequences for us. We acknowledge our ultimate responsibility and seek to maintain regional peace and good neighbourly relations. However, we also want to be respected and allowed to make decisions that are in the best interests of our own people.

What about the former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa who resigned during the Aragalaya movement. There was a Supreme Court ruling on economic mismanagement. What are the demands from the youth you meet about the judicial process that should follow?

The court decision is positive, but action needs to follow. If they are held responsible, what should be done next? For example, both Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Mahinda Rajapaksa continue to receive pensions and benefits as former presidents. Given the verdict delivered after the protests, should we continue to support them with public funds? This question has been raised.

We, as a party, and many involved in the Aragalaya movement, agree that the Rajapaksas and the previous regime were not the only ones responsible for the economic crisis. This is a longstanding issue. While the Rajapaksas epitomised the crisis and Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s mismanagement certainly exacerbated it, our unstable, fragile economy, which is highly susceptible to global price fluctuations, was not solely a consequence of their actions. This issue predates their tenure, and others, including the current president, should also be held accountable. Notably, it was during his time as prime minister that we accumulated a significant amount of international sovereign bonds, which are a critical factor in our debt restructuring process.

What would be your role in a future NPP government if your party wins the presidential election and parliamentary elections? How would your leadership ensure inclusion and diversity in the cabinet? Will you be a future prime minister?

We are aiming for the quickest possible parliamentary elections within the timeframe allowed by the Constitution, which we believe is about six weeks. We will also dissolve Parliament as soon as possible, as permitted by the Constitution. After the new president is sworn in, there are several steps that need to be followed. The existing cabinet will need to be dismissed. We will ensure that all actions are constitutionally valid, enabling a new Parliament to be convened as soon as possible so we can begin addressing the country’s issues.

What is the NPP’s stance on climate change, especially since your party is popular among the youth who are ardent voices globally in saving the planet from an environmental catastrophe?

This is a serious issue for us given our biodiversity sensitivities. Our development agenda will place climate change at its centre. Decision-making will take into account the need to protect our natural resources, and reduce carbon emissions. However, at the same time, we want to be active globally so that this responsibility is shared more equitably and fairly, with richer countries taking their responsibilities more seriously.