What’s behind CM Pinarayi’s volte-face on SNDP leader Vellapally Natesan?

Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan stood before a packed audience in Cherthala, Alappuzha, on Friday (April 11) to honour Vellapally Natesan, the general secretary of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana (SNDP) Yogam, for his 30-year leadership.

Vijayan’s speech was effusive, likening Natesan to SNDP icon and legendary Malayalam poet Kumaran Asan and brushing off his recent controversial remarks about the Muslim-dominated Malappuram district as “misrepresented” criticisms of a political party (read IUML), not a community.

Strike contrast in stand

“Those who truly know Vellappally are well aware that he is not someone who takes a stand against any particular religion,” Vijayan said, urging caution but projecting Natesan as a secular stalwart rooted in Sree Narayana Guru’s teachings. Vijayan offered a very mild reference to Natesan’s remarks, terming it as fraternal counsel. “In today’s climate, words can easily be misconstrued, so we must exercise caution,” he said.

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This public embrace marked a striking departure from Vijayan’s stance a decade ago. In 2015, as CPI(M) state secretary, he lambasted Natesan as “Kerala’s Togadia,” comparing him to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Pravin Togadia over anti-Muslim comments. Vijayan had condemned Natesan’s objection to government aid for the family of a Muslim youth who died heroically trying to save two contract labourers trapped in a manhole in Kozhikode, calling it “inhuman” and accusing him of stoking communal division.

The contrast between these positions underscores the CPI(M)’s pragmatic pivot as it grapples with the fallout of its 2024 Lok Sabha election rout, seeking to reclaim the eroding Ezhava vote base while risking the alienation of its minority coalition.

Tough to ignore clout

Natesan, who has helmed the SNDP Yogam for over three decades, wields significant influence over the Ezhava community, at least a section of it. The organisation, founded on Sree Narayana Guru’s principles of equality, claims 2.8 million members and shapes electoral outcomes through its socio-cultural clout.

A couple of weeks earlier, he described Malappuram, the Muslim-majority district, as a place where Ezhavas “cannot breathe easily,” accusing the IUML, a UDF ally, of sidelining backward communities. The remarks drew condemnation from Muslim groups, the IUML, and even Left youth wings.

Natesan’s rhetoric echoes earlier provocations. In 2024, he slammed the LDF and UDF for “Muslim appeasement,” pointing to minority representation in parliamentary seats. His son, Thushar Vellapally, leads the Bharat Dharma Jana Sena (BDJS), a BJP ally, fuelling perceptions of Natesan’s alignment with Hindutva forces. While he insists the SNDP is apolitical, his critiques often bolster BJP narratives, complicating the CPI(M)’s efforts to engage him without endorsing his communal undertones.

Drubbing in LS polls

The CPI (M), leading the Left Democratic Front secured just one of Kerala’s 20 Lok Sabha seats in 2024, a second back-to-back parliament drubbing for the ruling party.

The party’s post-mortem revealed a significant drift of Ezhava voters—roughly 23% of the state’s population and a traditional Left stronghold—toward the BJP. This shift, coupled with the consolidation of Muslim and Christian votes behind the Congress-led UDF, has forced the CPI(M) to recalibrate its approach to Natesan, whose sway over the Ezhava electorate remains formidable despite his polarising rhetoric.

The 2024 election numbers paint a grim picture for the CPI(M). In Alappuzha, a Left bastion, the LDF’s AM Ariff lost to the UDF’s KC Venugopal by 63,513 votes. The BJP’s Sobha Surendran, an Ezhava candidate, polled 2,99,648 votes, substantially increasing the party’s 2019 tally of 1,87,729. Analysts attribute this surge to Ezhava voters defecting from the LDF, influenced partly by the drifting of the SNDP-backed political outfit BDJS to the NDA. In Attingal, the LDF’s V Joy fell to the UDF’s Adoor Prakash by 684 votes, while the BJP’s vote share climbed to 3,11,779 (31.64%) from 2,48,041 (24.7%) in 2019, again reflecting Ezhava vote gains for the saffron party.

NDA’s electoral gains

The NDA’s statewide vote share rose to 19% with 3802107 votes, culminating in its first Kerala Lok Sabha seat in Thrissur won by Suresh Gopi. The LDF’s total votes in the state dropped by 4,92,000, from 71.56 lakh in 2019 to 66.64 lakh in 2024, while the UDF shed 6,12,000 votes but retained dominance with 8935209 votes.

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CPI(M) state secretary MV Govindan had admitted the “rightward drift” of Ezhava votes as a key factor, alongside Muslim vote consolidation for the UDF, prompting the party to rethink its stance on Natesan.

Post-2024, the CPI(M) initially distanced itself from Natesan. Govindan accused the SNDP leadership of “surrendering to the Sangh Parivar,” urging members to resist “saffronisation.” But with the 2026 Assembly elections looming, the party has softened its tone.

Vijayan’s Cherthala speech, attended by four cabinet ministers despite Muslim groups’ appeal for a boycott, signalled this shift. He praised Natesan’s “remarkable ability to articulate matters” and claimed his Malappuram comments targeted the IUML, not Muslims, a defence that drew sharp criticism from the IUML as “futile.”

Growing unease in party

The CPI(M) leadership does not seem to be on the same page when it comes to this issue. While many in the party believe that only strong solidarity with Palestine can help reclaim minority votes, there is also growing unease that any perceived endorsement of divisive rhetoric could backfire. Even the newly elected party general secretary, MA Baby, was not soft on Natesan, openly flaying his comments about Malappuram.

“At times, leaders like Vellappally Natesan seem eager to make statements that we cannot, in any way, agree with,” Baby said. “We must question why they fail to see the situation with a sense of reality.” He added, “These statements are entirely unacceptable and must be firmly rejected. The SNDP is an organisation that upholds the values of Sree Narayana Dharma and can never enter into any kind of alliance with the BJP that the public might perceive as a partnership.”

With all major Muslim organisations coming out against Vellappally's remarks, the Chief Minister’s perceived endorsement has placed the CPI(M) in a tight spot. Yet, the section close to the CM in the party sees it as a calculated gamble —one that they hope will pay off in the long run.

Secular credentials under lens

Kerala’s demographics—54% Hindu, 27% Muslim, 18% Christian—make minority votes critical. The CPI(M)’s secular credentials, long a bulwark against the BJP, are now under scrutiny as it navigates this gamble.

With the Thrissur result, where Suresh Gopi’s 2024 win was buoyed by significant Christian support, it’s evident that minority voting dynamics in Kerala are swiftly evolving. In this changing landscape, any perceived CPI(M) complicity with Natesan’s rhetoric could further alienate Muslim voters towards the UDF, while reinforcing the BJP’s outreach to Christians by leveraging fears around “Islamist” influence.

Fuelling internal dissent?

The CPI(M)’s outreach to Natesan also risks internal dissent. Left youth wings and progressive SNDP members have criticised the party’s softening stance, recalling Guru’s universalist ideals. Yet, electoral math prevails. Govindan has shifted focus to “community awareness” campaigns against the BJP-RSS, avoiding direct confrontation with Natesan while targeting Ezhava-heavy constituencies like Alappuzha and Attingal for grassroots rebuilding.

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Many inside the party and fellow travellers feel that engaging Natesan may or may not stabilise its Ezhava base, but endorsing his rhetoric—even indirectly—could unravel the Left’s broader appeal. With the BJP ascendant and the UDF resurgent, the CPI(M)’s ability to balance these tensions will determine whether it can reclaim lost ground or face further erosion in the battle for Kerala’s future.