Communal fire, polarising rhetoric cast dark shadow on Rajasthan’s inclusive culture
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Ever since RSS-backed Chief Minister Bhajanlal Sharma formed a BJP government last year, small issues have often led to communal flare-ups in Rajasthan. Photo: @BhajanlalBjp/X

Communal fire, polarising rhetoric cast dark shadow on Rajasthan’s inclusive culture

Political analysts attribute communal flare-ups over small issues to upcoming bypolls and RSS’ longstanding plan to turn state into a Hindutva bastion


For centuries, Rajasthan has been known for its composite culture and syncretic heritage, but it has seen a sharp surge in communal tensions this year. The growing religious divide and social fissures have cast a dark shadow over the state's reputation for communal harmony. The peace-loving desert state has witnessed acts of gross violence, often fuelled by polarising statements by senior leaders of the ruling BJP.

Ever since Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)-backed Chief Minister Bhajanlal Sharma formed a BJP government last year, small issues have often led to communal flare-ups in Rajasthan. Over the past two months, there has been a disturbing rise in incidents of inter-religious tensions. One of the most offensive pieces of political rhetoric recently came from Education Minister Madan Dilawar.

Tirade against Akbar

Speaking at a public function in Udaipur, Dilawar said that any book which projects Mughal emperor Akbar as “great” would be burnt as the descriptive was an “insult” to Maharana Pratap, the revered Rajput king. Debunking positive portrayals of Akbar as a “grave mistake”, he claimed the Mughal ruler was an “invader” and a “rapist” who organised special events to abduct girls.

Scholars have slammed Dilawar's comments for their lack of historical accuracy, but the timing and location of the comments are what make them more objectionable. The minister’s anti-Akbar tirade came just when Udaipur was battling communal fissures. Hindu-Muslim frictions had erupted in mid-August when a boy stabbed a classmate with a knife at a government school in the city. As the aggressor happened to be a Muslim and the victim was a Hindu, Hindutva mobs went on a rampage and set fire to cars, ransacked shops and tried to storm into some mosques.

Murder gets communal twist

While the Muslim boy and his father were arrested soon, none of the self-styled defenders of Hinduism who indulged in arson and turned a student brawl into a communal clash have faced any punishment. Worse, local authorities bulldozed the Muslim boy’s house calling it illegal – though his family were the only tenants. The government has no answer as to why the owner of the house has been punished.

In this charged atmosphere in Udaipur, minister Dilawar’s remarks against Abkar hardly looks like an effort to check social frictions. Rather, they appear to add fuel to communal tensions.

Surge in hate violence

The Udaipur tragedy, however, is no isolated event as numerous incidents have scarred Rajasthan since January. In the post-Lok Sabha election phase, there has been an upsurge in communal violence and vigilante attacks. In June, Jodhpur saw clashes between the two major communities over a land dispute which led to a riot-like situation. In July, communal tensions exploded in Baran district after the dome of a temple was found displaced and Hindutva groups insisted that they would not permit Tazia processions on Muharram.

In mid-August, a mob vandalised a police station in Jaipur after communal tensions erupted over a Hindu man being allegedly beaten to death by an e-rickshaw driver and two others who happened to be Muslims. The road rage and the tragic death saw locals outraged. As vandalism and violence erupted, parts of Rajasthan’s capital saw days of high tension.

Cow vigilantism

In end-August, social fissures deepened in Bhilwara district after a cow's tail was found near a temple. Communal sentiments got ignited, leading to stone-pelting on the police; markets were closed as large crowds took to the streets demanding the arrest of the culprits. Despite additional forces being deployed and flag marches being held in affected areas, communal tensions persisted for days.

The Bhilwara crisis reveals how cow-related episodes are now becoming an ugly, recurrent reality in Rajasthan as also their potential for communal violence. While Alwar district has been an epicentre of cow vigilantism after Pehlu Khan was beaten to death on suspicion of cattle smuggling in 2017, several similar incidents have recently erupted across Rajasthan.

Brazen communal onslaught

If July saw an assault on a truck driver in Pali district by cow vigilantes who were angered by the transportation of buffaloes, in August there was a vicious attack on a truck driver in Alwar by associates of Monu Manesar, the notorious ‘Gau Rakshak’ (cow vigilante) who has spread terror in the Mewat region. The brutal beatings, captured on video and brazenly shown on social media, reflect the horrific violence being inflicted on hapless victims and the growing aggression of these groups.

Earlier in June, cow vigilantes attacked a driver and his van companion in Churu district. The mob had allegedly got a ‘tip off’ that some Muslims were using the vehicle to smuggle cows. After stopping the van, the mob thrashed the two men mercilessly, little caring for what the victims were saying. But when the back of the van was opened, it was full of lemons and there was not a single cow inside!

BJP leaders add fuel to fire

The victims were Hindu men from Haryana who were transporting lemons from Jaipur to Punjab’s Bathinda. This incident highlights the impunity enjoyed by Gau Rakshaks and the failure of Rajasthan’s law enforcement agencies in curbing vigilante violence.

Seasoned observers of Rajasthan politics underline that communal tensions are often getting aggravated through hate-filled rhetoric. In recent months, while minister Dilawar has been a prime culprit, offensive remarks have been made by many leaders of the ruling BJP.

Using Bangladesh to fuel hatred

In the forefront are saffron-clad monks turned BJP MLAs, four of whom were elected in the last Assembly elections. After the recent coup in Bangladesh, BJP MLA Mahant Pratap Puri from Jaisalmer's Pokhran seat said that if attacks on Hindus do not stop quickly, “we will make Bangladesh an integral part of India again”. He also warned that if the persecution of Hindus persists, “millions of Bangladeshis living in India could face consequences”.

Another MLA, Balmukund Acharya, from Jaipur, has also sparked rows by frequently targeting Muslims. Recently, while demanding a law for population control in Rajasthan, Acharya said: “Having four wives and 36 children is no longer acceptable. Rising population is a disrupting our demographic balance. While one community follows the rule of one wife and two children, the other engages in having four wives and 36 children. We need a law to check such tendencies.”

RSS calls the shots

Many see a political intent behind such un-subtle efforts to keep the communal pot boiling in Rajasthan. In the last Assembly polls, polarisation was a key factor for the BJP’s success. After debutant MLA Bhajanlal from the RSS stable was promoted as chief minister, there were worries that communal frictions may escalate in Rajasthan. Many say the choice of a greenhorn as a chief minister reflects the RSS’ keenness to push its core agenda which it could not implement in earlier BJP governments led by Bhairon Singh Shekhawat and Vasundhara Raje who were less amenable to RSS dictates.

Despite the setback in the Lok Sabha elections, political circles are abuzz that a polarising programme is still being pursued in Rajasthan. Political observers see a two-fold objective behind this effort. In the short-term, they link communal flare ups over small issues to the upcoming by-polls for six seats of the state Assembly. In the long-term, they say the ugly rhetoric and recurring communal clashes reflect an RSS plan to turn Rajasthan into a Hindutva bastion like Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh have become in the past two decades.

As communal fires and divisive politics intensify, the toxic plume of polarisation threatens to weaken the religious coexistence and composite culture of Rajasthan nurtured by saints like Mira Bai, Ramdev Pir and Moinuddin Chishti. While polarising rhetoric might win elections, we must resist its corrosive effects on our humanity for every hateful call widens societal rifts that may take generations to mend.

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