With demands still unmet, farmers’ protest is far from over
The Samyukta Kisan Morcha, the joint platform of unions, continues to fight on two fronts. One against the Union government, to make it accede to SKM’s demands; the other is a battle within
The Centre may have repealed its contentious farm laws, but farmers’ protests are not yet over. The Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM), the joint platform of unions, continues to fight on two fronts. One is against the Union government – to make it accede to the SKM’s demands; the other is a battle within.
The morcha has already announced the next phase of its “nationwide campaign”. While several protests are currently going on, a nationwide stir will be launched from April 11-17 by observing ‘MSP Legal Guarantee Week’.
Constituent organisations have been asked to hold dharnas (sit-ins), demonstrations and seminars, demanding legal guarantees for Minimum Support Price (MSP) throughout the country.
But SKM leaders privately admit that political interference may be a bigger threat. “Some leaders had political ambitions, but we were against jumping into the fray directly,” said one such leader.
In the Assembly elections held earlier this year, they had great expectations from Punjab and the western parts of Uttar Pradesh. SKM leaders visited several constituencies seeking votes against the BJP. They thought that farmer leaders would emerge as kingmakers.
Political aspirations
Before the polls, over a score of farmer unions had entered politics. In Punjab, they formed a party called the Sanyukt Samaj Morcha (SSM). It chose to contest the election from 94 seats and lost from all. Its candidates forfeited deposits in all but one.
The face of SSM, Balbir Singh Rajewal, finished at the sixth spot, garnering a meagre 3.5 per cent of votes. He leads the BKU (Rajewal) and was part of the SKM leadership till he was suspended for contesting. Similar was the fate of his ally, the Samyukta Sangharsh Party (SSP), led by Gurnam Singh Chaduni.
The 62-year-old farmer leader is from Chaduni Jattan village in Kurukshetra district of Haryana. As with Gurnam Singh, in some parts of the state people add the name of their village as a surname. His Bharatiya Kisan Union (Chaduni) is said to wield influence in and around the districts of Ambala, Kaithal, Kurukshetra, and Yamunanagar.
He has had several face-offs with other SKM leaders and faced disciplinary actions. In 2019, he contested from the Ladwa assembly seat in Kurukshetra as an independent candidate, managing to get only 1,307 (0.95 per cent share) votes.
Things turned ugly last week when the followers of the two leaders “forcibly reached the meeting place (in central Delhi) and forcefully occupied the meeting hall and started a meeting in parallel”, claimed SKM leaders.
“People intent on breaking the movement tried to disturb that meeting of the morcha too,” the statement added. Amidst rising speculations, the SKM has denied any reports of a split.
However, that there was a statement issued in the name of Rajewal earlier where the SKM’s coordination committee was announced as “dissolved”, points to the tussle.
‘No room for politics’
Chaduni, speaking to The Federal, dismissed any apprehensions that may exist over the apparent chink in platform, but strongly defended his political position.
“The SKM was formed in farmers’ interest. It was decided that anyone with political connections should not be involved. Hanan Mollah has been MP eight times, Raju Shetti is heading a political party and had been elected to the Lok Sabha, (former member) VM Singh has been an MLA. There is also Shiv Kumar Kakka,” he said, giving examples.
The SKM leadership is indeed divided at the top, but that is over theory and sometimes, politics. That the fissure would grow into a chasm may be unfounded at this moment.
One aspect that unites the leaders in their diversity is a demand for legalisation of MSP, though the process or method may differ.
‘Government indifferent’
The Centre had promised in December 2021 that a committee will be formed to ensure that farmers are assured of MSP. But no further steps have been taken to constitute it.
“Yes, we did withdraw the sit-in protests [at Delhi’s borders], but we did not call off the struggle. The agitation will continue across the country till farmers’ interests are addressed by this government,” reiterated Bhartiya Kisan Union (BKU) leader Rakesh Tikait, who has evolved as the poster boy of the protests.
Also read: Even as farmers protested, India’s rabi coverage rose 9% this year
The SKM charter of demands includes legalisation of MSP. It also seeks withdrawal of Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2020, alleging that it allowed privatisation of power generation through delicensing. They claim that companies will go for preferential supply of electricity to high revenue earning industrial and commercial consumers, resulting in the bankruptcy of state-owned distribution companies.
It also seeks financial compensation for families of those who died during the protests; the sacking of Union Minister Ajay Mishra ‘Teni’ and initiation of murder charges against his son Ashish over the Lakhmipur Kheri incident; as well as annulment of cases against farmers, which they claim numbers around 46,000.
The mandate to recommend MSPs rests with the Commission for Agricultural Costs & Prices (CACP) of the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare. It recommends MSPs for 23 commodities.
The body comprises a chairman, member secretary, one member (official) and two members (non-official). The posts of two non-official members – “representatives of the farming community” – have been vacant for several years. These members are usually included when required in official meetings: on a temporary basis.
“CACP takes into account only the price of the raw material and family labour, thus are much below the costs incurred by a farmer,” claimed Hannan Mollah, general secretary of the Left-affiliated All Indian Kisan Sabha (AIKS).
The MSP demand
SKM has demanded MSP at C2+50%, as recommended by the Swaminathan Commission, to all farmers on all their agricultural produce. This assures 50 per cent n returns, considering all cost of cultivation, including the imputed cost of capital and the rent or lease on the land (even if owned).
“In the case of paddy, the CACP has recommended an MSP of ₹1,940 per quintal where the grower spends ₹2,200 (per quintal). And the same produce, if sold outside a Mandi, may fetch him something as less as between ₹11,000 to ₹12,000 per quintal,” added the septuagenarian Marxist leader.
Incidentally, Kerala offers ₹2,800 per quintal of paddy. The Odisha government had also asked the Centre to increase the MSP of paddy to ₹2,930 per quintal for its farmers.
Added Abhimanyu Kohar of the Rashtriya Kisan Mahasangh (RKM), an association of more than 60 farmers bodies: “For cotton the C2+50 per cent formula works out to ₹7,753 a quintal, but the government announced MSP of ₹5,726 per quintal. Thus, here too, farmers are losing out ₹2,027 each quintal.”
According to Badrinarayan Chaudhary, general secretary of the RSS-affiliated Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS), “For a farmer, MSP is the primary issue. All farmers do not benefit from government procurement, it’s a minuscule proportion – not even 10 per cent.”
Difference in stance
On several issues, the BKS stands apart from the SKM. It positions itself as a non-political organisation and did not participate in the Delhi siege. It has independently submitted its own charter of demands to the government.
Whatever be the affiliation, the agitation has ignited an interest among citizens towards the plight of tillers. It has drawn into open the lacunae existing in the agriculture sector. The debate over who is their messiah continues to rage.
Peasants’ protests and demonstrations have taken place earlier too, but this was the longest one ever held. And by the looks of it, the standoff is not over yet.